The Role of Social Media in International Justice

Is social media becoming the new arbiter in International Justice?

In the past few days, a Non-Profit organization, Invisible Children, based in Latin America has produced a 26 min. youtube documentary that has ever since gone viral. Millions of viewers around the world have been since viewed and become engaged in discussions via twitter, Facebook, and other social media outlets, with one message: Stopping Joseph Kony, the leader of the Lord Resistance Army (LRA). For those who might not know who this man is, Kony is an Ugandan man who have been wagging a holy war against his country for almost three decades. Besides, his own country Uganda, he has been attacking Southern Sudan, Central African Republic, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo all neighboring countries to Uganda.

His guiding philosophy and vision is to govern Uganda by the Ten Commandments and to purify the people. In this endeavor, he took to the bushes and began to recruit soldiers and many child soldiers. At the beginning, he used to enjoy a great support, but later began to indiscriminate target people in Uganda and the four countries. Over the course of his rebellion history which began in 1986, the LRA has abducted more than 66, 000 children to fight along his side. Many of these children have often lived in harsh and abusive conditions, whereby their dignity and basic human rights such as the right to education and being part of a family have been denied. Consequently, more than two millions have been displaced.

Because of these barbaric acts, the LRA became notorious for their aggression against children in particular and assaults in the four countries. Many activists in the U.S and other countries have organized International campaign against the LRA and its heinous acts in earnest to bring him and top commanders to face justice.

At first, the International Community and others regional countries attempted many failed peace attempts to resolve the issue, but each time they were faced with disappointment and failure. Consequently, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued a warrant arrest against Kony in 2005 and some of these top commanders charging them with crimes against humanity. The main Prosecutor of the ICC Moreno Occampo has come out in favor of the recent produced documentary, which has gone viral ever since.

My conviction is that the publicity being given to the issue of child soldiers and the Invisible Children, focuses the debate and sheds lights on the larger campaign against the abusers of children’s rights in areas of the armed conflicts. The offensive practices must stop in the conflict hot spots, where children are used against their own will.

Moreover, any attention paid to the LRA operations would help the world know about the atrocities that the terrorist organization has committed in the recent years in name of ruling Uganda by the 10 commandments.

In a matter of hours, millions of viewers around the world came to know whom Joseph Kony is than in anytime in the past years combined of the campaign history. Whatever, the intended purpose of the non-profit was, this is certainly a positive outcome. However, this success is not without its criticism. Critics have raised questions about the non-profit’s ethical problems. The claim is about whether the Non-Profit, Invisible Children International, has used the funds it raised appropriately? This brings up the issue of ethics and accountability in the non-profits world doing activism and what they can and can’t do with the money they raise from taxpayers, good will, and the donor community who generously open their wallet.

Can 2012 be the year of social media bringing warlords like Kony and others to Justice?

Whatever position one takes on this hot issue, the big picture is whether social media is changing the landscape of information sharing and the role it plays in human rights issues around the world, and if it can play a crucial role in International Justice today.

We live in a culture of a 24 hours instant cycle of news that is to a large degree energized by social media outlets that amplifies what we hear and process. Whether this does have real impact in the lives of child soldiers and others it tries to shed the light on, remain to be seen in years and years to come.

The Recent Developments in the Two Sudans

“Has the International Community failed the People of the two Sudans?”

This last week, I attended an event at George Washington and American University co-sponsored by Voices for Sudan and STAND (college based student group engaged in activism on Sudan), and Fair Trade group where I sat at a panel discussing some of the critical issues facing the two Sudans. At these events, the topic of our discussion brought to light many of the hot button issues as well as calling students to take action putting more pressure on the international community to keep its end of the bargain in helping stabilize these two very volatile and strategic states.

Although the format of the discussion differed a little, the core theme of it centered pretty much on the same issues. Many of the issues brought forth to the table by the panelists consisted of whether the International Community has lived up to its obligations vis-a-vis the pending border territories of Abyei, Blue Nile, South Kordofan, both resulting from last year’s independence of Southern Sudan and the Darfur Region. In this piece, I will discuss these issues in greater detail and at the end of it offer my opinion of what I believe the international community must do to refocus on these two countries. The panelists all agreed that the International Community has not fully lived up to its responsibility as the main broker in the South-North Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2005. Neither has it done enough to protect the victims of the aerial bombardment in both the Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains border regions where fresh conflict has erupted beginning in the early June 2011.

The crisis which has displaced thousands of Nuba and Blue Nile people, has begun before the official announcement of Southern Sudan’s independence. The CPA was the blueprint upon which last year’s referendum was held and eventually paved the way for S. Sudan independence from its northern part in July 2009. Despite this positive outcome of the vote, the CPA was not comprehensive enough as most might have hoped it to be. It did little to address and provide a clear solution for the people of the Nuba Mountains or Blue Nile regions, which were both given “Popular People Consultation” status under the agreement. Darfur on the other hand was not included in CPA.

Has the Internationally Community Lived up to its responsibility vise-a-vise the people of Sudan & S. Sudan?

Since the signing of the agreement in the Kenyan city of Nifasha in 2005 and leading up to the referendum in January of 2011, the world community focused its attention on insuring that Sudan does not jeopardize or renege the agreement and the voting process of S. Sudanese in the referendum. Fortunately, with enough pressure, and with promises from the United States to provide carrot to the Khartoum regime by lifting them up from terrorist sponsored list, al-Bashir and his cabinet awaited the promise of normalization, but since they did not get it, they went on the offense in Darfur, and now in the Blue Nile and Kordofan regions. On the positive side, the U.S. and other states in the international community along with faith based groups, NGOs, regional organizations such as the African Union, and the UN managed to shepherd the parties to signing the historic agreement, which eventually led to the secession of Southern Sudan without the two countries resorting to full-scale war. After the independence, the international community was quick to let their eyes off the ball, and instead of making sure that some of the critical issues such as oil sharing, nationality, assets, and border demarcations all of which are typical hurdles whenever a new nation secedes from another under the international law to form its own country. The world community left the two states to their own to figure out by these critical outstanding issues, and the result so far has been that they have come to a brink-ship of full scale war between Juba and Khartoum. Instead of focusing on staying the course and pushing the two parties to come together and resolve their outstanding issues such as holding a referendum in the Abyei region, which remains a disputed area between the South and North Sudan, the International Community celebrated the independence and abandoned the Nuba and Blue Nile people to face their own bleak destiny. Unfortunately, the U.S. does not have a clear policy of how to deal with the Khartoum authoritarian regime when it comes to resolving the border regions’ issues of Abyei, Darfur, Blue Nile, and South Kordofan where people are bombarded, displaced, tortured, and killed on daily basis.

What has triggered the Conflict between the National Congress Party (NCP) the ruling regime in Khartoum, Sudan and Sudanese People Liberation Movement(SPLM-N) in Southern Kordofan (Nuba Mountains) state and Blue Nile?

An election was held in the Kordofan state to elect a governor, and the outcome was that al-Bashir hand-picked Ahmed Haroun representing the National Congress Party who is wanted by the ICC was elected in an election deemed rigged by the account of many Sudanese and Nubans in particular who went to the polls in that state. Abdel-aziz al Hilu who lost the election represented the Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLM-N) against Ahmed Haroun. First to set the record straight, Southern Sudan and SPLM-North had fought along side each other against the North for over three decades. Now that the South has become its own country, al-Bashir regime no longer sees any reason for the SPLM-N to exist in its territory in Northern Sudan, so it decided to unilaterally disarm them. It began by giving them an ultimatum shortly after the vote for the referendum of S. Sudan that they disarm and become part of the Sudanese Armed forces or be disarmed by force, which is contrary to what the CPA entailed. According to the CPA, the issue should have been dealt within the security arrangement protocol through which the SPLM-N forces in a six month period following the S. Sudan secession will have to gradually become part of Northern Sudan Armed Forces. Knowing that the SPLM-N was not going to accept, the NCP unilaterally went on the offense to disarm the SPLM-N forces in the Nuba Mountains area, and later the Blue Nile region, where the governor was democratically elected according to the Popular People Consultation, a right given to them by the CPA. Consequently an opening of the door for an ongoing conflict in which thousands of civilians have been killed and others hundreds displaced to camps inside Southern Sudan and others fleeing to neighboring Ethiopia or becoming internally displaced has began. After outpouring of from the Advocacy community and human rights activists, the world and the UN began to condemn the regime in Khartoum to halt the aerial bombardment of the innocent civilians, but so far a strong stance from the world community have lagged in terms of reigning in the aerial bombardment in the two states or convincing the government of al-Bashir to all humanitarian aid to the victims.

Regional analysis and the way forward for the Two Sudans:

As Northern Sudan and Southern Sudan try to build their current nations with murky borders they are faced with many hurdles. One of these fundamental challenges is how to be more inclusive politically. No one should be under any illusion that this task is going to be easy. It will take months and months if not years to heal the wounds of almost half a century grievances of S. Sudanese, who have suffered injustices and deprivation of many human rights. What should be expected though is a good start as a foundation for real change to come and turning the page on the bleak history. Judging by the UN Human Development Index indications S. Sudan is classified to be the poorest nation where many do not have basic needs. The Sudanese People Liberation Army/M (SPLA/M), which has fought in the bush for more than three decades against the North, does not have a clear concept of what stability, democracy, development, and the rule of law mean for the average people. This is despite the fact that the SPLM has transformed itself into a political party, but it remains the party that is dominating the government and politics in the newly formed state. Therefore there is a reason to be concerned that such monopoly in ruling the state be unchallenged. This has raised tensions among various ethnic groups and is leading to further isolation of other political parties and civil society, which could trigger discontent among other political parties and dissenters who might feel that they are not included in the decision-making affecting the lives of the Southerners as a whole.

Will the oil curse affect Southern Sudan and ‘Cause War between the two nations?

The two countries have been waging economic war. Southern Sudan which produces enjoys 75% of the oil revenue since its independence has been in oil shipment dispute with its Northern counterpart over the royalty resource for both Sudan and South Sudan is a sticking point and is one of which the two countries are not able to agree on how to resolve it. This led Southern Sudan to shut down the oil pipeline that run into the North Eastern Port Sudan refinery in Sudan over complaint that, Northern Sudan is cheating them out of the oil prices. An ongoing negating to find a compromise is still going in Addis Ababa under the auspices of the African Union headed by Thabo Mbeki, the former President of South Africa.

I was pleased to hear President Silver Kiir Announce that the Republic of Southern Sudan will join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). Now whether it lives up to this obligation or not is to be seen in the future, but for not that is a good start.

Additionally, oil as the main source of income of the newly formed state of which it relies “98%” will further tests the scope of leadership in Juba. Since, I wrote my senior thesis topic in college about the concept of “Rentier-estate” or the so called “Oil Curse”, I do believe that Southern Sudan will need more than oil to diversify its economy and secure its economy from the downfalls during the oil crisis which is inevitable to happen need issue equally tops the thorny issues that, the South has to deal with ---if it does not diversify its economy, then we might have a situation in which Southern Sudan become another corrupt country in which the elite few siphon revenues of the oil, where the majority of ordinary S. Sudanese live in abject poverty. Furthermore, the rule of law is very important to guarantee that business sector and robust civil society emerges to act as check and balance on the power of the ruling government branches.

The Newest Country on the World Map

On July 9^th, Southern Sudan finally enjoyed the fruits of its long quest for freedom, which it has been seeking since the independence of the country from British colonial rule in 1956. The Republic of Southern Sudan (SS) has become the newest, and the 193^rd, country on the world map. The map of Africa has been redrawn, and the number of African Union member states has increased to 54. Once the largest country on the continent, what is left of Sudan will now rank second, after Algeria, in terms of land space.

It all happened in January of this year, in a historic referendum, which was characterized by the international monitors to be the fairest in Sudanese history. Southern Sudanese participated in record numbers, and more than 99% cast votes in favor of secession from the North. This was their right, enshrined in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005 under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD) and other actors from the international community. Not only was the process smooth and transparent, but it also took place without violence.

As SS prepares to celebrate and build their new nation from scratch, some critical issues remain unresolved, including the division of oil revenues and debts, border demarcation, and citizenship rights. Sudan has been the third largest oil exporter in Sub-Saharan Africa, after Nigeria and Angola, and the economies of both Sudan and SS rely heavily on oil revenues.

Prior to July 9th, the Government of Southern Sudan and the Northern Sudanese government shared this oil revenue equally. With the independence of SS, the division of revenues will change: SS will get 75%, while the North will get 25%. This puts Northern Sudan in a critical situation, since it does not have any other viable exports. This loss prompted the Northern government to publically threaten SS, saying that the oil pipelines, which run through Northern Sudan, will be cut off if the South does not give them their full royalties.

Security-wise, the situation between the two states will remain tense for months, if not years, until they reach real agreements on the critical remaining issues. Border demarcation is a major one - their disagreement with the International Court of Justice on the issue of Abyei is a clear signal as to how they will handle this issue and others.

In May, the two governments almost went into war over Abyei, a disputed area and an oil-rich region. Abyei is home to both indigenous Dinka and nomadic Arab cattle-herders and the population is split on the question of nationality. The incident took place when the North attacked the area and took it over, claiming that they wanted to protect it from the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). The SS government in Juba did not reciprocate, but stated that they “are not going to war over Abyei.”

Al Bashir government interpreted this as cowardice, and went on to attack Southern Kordofan, attempting to disarm the SPLA by force. By taking these actions, the Northern Sudan has broken the security arrangements set forth under the CPA, since the SPLA were allowed to disarm within six month after the spilt of the South. With thousands of civilians displaced, and the continuation of the bombardment of the villages and towns in the oil and mineral rich state of Southern Kordofan, the security situation remains dire.

One possibility is that the ongoing tensions over Abyei may lead SS to attempt to annex it unilaterally. The SS government has already incorporated Abyei into its new constitution and has been making the case that the territory historically belongs to SS, given that the Ngok Dinka are the indigenous ethnic group of the region and should be the only ones allowed to vote in the referendum.

Many of the Darfuri rebel factions are already taking refuge in Juba, where many have organized, using it as a base. Moreover, the Nuba fighters of Southern Kordofan, who were part of the SPLA and fought alongside the South, will continue to fight against the North, seeking their fair share of the wealth and power.

The independence of SS is a major step towards the freedom of a long-oppressed people, but challenges remain. It will take years before these issues are resolved.

Interview on Kdvs.ucdavis

http://kdvs.ucdavis.edu/archives/2011-06-14_1634_320kbps.mp3
Please tune in and listen to this segment on the Nuba Mountains.
Your feedback is welcome.

The Nuba Mountains could become the Next Darfur

The Nuba Mountains could become the Next Darfur

The Nuba Mountains, a disputed region in central Sudan, was given a special status under the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in Kenya in 2005 between Northern Sudan and Southern Sudan. According to the CPA, the Nuba Mountains has been ruled through a joint force of the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA), representing the South, and the National Congress Party (NCP), representing the North. Since the CPA was signed, the United Nations International Mission in Sudan (UNIMIS) has managed to maintain peace between the two sides, but with the prospect of Southern Sudan becoming its own country on July 9^th, the situation has changed.

The NCP government, ruled by Omar Al Bashir, promised to recognize the independence of the South. However, as the secession date approaches, things have gotten out of control and tensions are running high, particularly after the Government of Northern Sudan took control of the Abyei area, another disputed border region, in clear violation of the peace accord. The international community has asked that the government of Sudan withdraw its forces from Abyei, but they have so far refused to do so.

Following this same tactic, the government is now attacking the populated areas of the Nuba Mountains from the air in an attempt to disarm the SPLA forces in the region. President Al Bashir said that he intends to cleanse the region of Nuba SPLA supporters, mountain-by-mountain, home-by-home. According to an account from one of my relatives in the area, government security personnel have been going door-to-door, arresting and killing opponents. In the last few weeks, the conflict has led to an exodus of Nuba people fleeing their homes, and some have already taken refuge in mountain caves. Most are internally displaced, but nowhere in the North is safe, because Nubians are targeted as potential SPLA supporters. As of now, the North and the South are at a critical juncture with a possibility of a full-scale war breaking out.

In fact, if the international community does not act quickly to protect civilians attacked and displaced, the Nuba Mountains could quickly become the next Darfur. In the past few days, reports indicate that government forces have indiscriminately targeted women and children and paid militias. This is not the first time that the Nuba people have found themselves caught between Northern and Southern forces. The first genocide in the Nuba Mountains took place between 1980-1990, leading to mass displacement and death, although it was not well recognized by the international community.

Immediate action must be taken to head off a major humanitarian disaster. First, I urge the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to provide UNIMIS forces in the region with a clear mandate to protect civilians. Second, the UNSC should use article seven of the UN charter to protect civilians in the region. Moreover, the United States government should intervene through brokering a ceasefire agreement and bringing an end to hostilities between the fighting parties. Additionally, international organizations and other NGOs should provide humanitarian assistance to families most affected by the conflict, particularly women and children. I urge my fellow American citizens to take to the streets in protest of these gross human rights violations and urge President Obama to keep his promise of to protect civilians in Sudan. Finally, friends of the Nuba people the world over must provide immediate humanitarian assistance.

The United Nations must take a strong stand to protect lives and prevent another genocide in this region, which is very vital in the North-South CPA accord. A decisive move by the international community, particularly by the African Union, the United Nations, United States Government, and European Union can mitigate this conflict before it escalates. If nothing is done, the outcome will be catastrophic and will be yet another stain on the world’s conscience.

The Demise of the "Last Pharoah"

Congratulations to the Egyptians for gaining their deserved freedom from the tyrant, Hosni Mubarak "the last Pharaoh" and finally liberating the state from the authoritarian regime. What a spectacular way for them to end this authoritarian regime. This demonstrates the great power that existed within the Egyptian society in taking things into their own hands. Who would have thought that tools like Facebook, Twitter, and the Internet in general could be such a catalyst in mobilizing the Egyptian people for bringing an end to tyranny in their land, from the heart of Liberation Square (Tahrir Square).

There are numerous lessons that humanity can learn from these peaceful protests in Egypt, which brought an end to the three decades of authoritarian rule. Three points come to mind about this historic January 25 revolution in the land of pyramids. The first lesson is that there is nothing that ordinary people cannot do when they come together to bring about real change even if this means facing the tanks and the brutality of the state police.

The second lesson is that the actions of authoritarian regimes against their own people are unacceptable, the world over, and no matter how long these systems exist they will end. The Egyptian regime, in attempting to stay in power as long as it could, utilized all the state mechanisms to suppress its people, jailing all dissidents and increasing the police in the streets to keep things under control. Since these actions were not built on the will of the people (the governed), they failed miserably. The most important thing in the twenty first century is accountability to your own people as a state, and since the Egyptian government has never been in touch with the poor people and never answered their demands, the result was that the very people it tried to suppress brought it down. Therefore, it meant injustice might last for a while, but not forever. The events in Egypt have shown the world that nothing is impossible if people try hard enough to gain their freedom and civil rights. No matter how long they stay in power, their citizens would always find ways of expressing their opinions.

This leads me to my third point, which is the issue of legitimacy, accountability, and the social contract between the people and the state or in other words the relationship between a government and the governed. According to John Locke, the great social scientist, people in a social contract give up their rights to the state willingly on the condition that the state protects their lives, assets, and organizes their day-to-day affairs. What has become clear from watching the protests in Egypt over the past three weeks is that this contract between the government and the people has not been respected by the authoritarian regime, which over the course of thirty years of existence committed many human rights violations, and crimes against its own people. Once this trust between the government and the governed elapsed, it became impossible for the Egyptians to live under this regime and hence they took to the streets to demand their rights.
A clear message has been sent to authoritarian rulers the world over that they can no longer do business as usual with their citizens.

Long live the power of the people.

Last two weeks of work

In my last two weeks, I worked on editing the multimedia audio, and media monitoring. I also had the opportunity to staff the last conference for the summer with Jon Brennan, the White House Expert Assistant to President Obama for Homeland Security and Counterterrorism, which was hosted on August 6. At this event, Brennan talked about the administration’s new strategy for the war on terror, which includes not longer calling it the “War on Terror.” I also attended an event titled "Harnessing the Spirit of L'Aquila: Improving Agricultural Productivity in Africa." Following the announcement at the G-8 Summit in Italy of a major commitment to global food security, CSIS hosted Dr. Monty Jones from the Forum for Agricultural Research in Africa to discuss FARA's work and reforms in African agricultural practice. In describing emerging opportunities for international collaboration in African agricultural development, Dr. Jones emphasized priority areas for win-win U.S.-Africa partnerships.I met with the CSIS CEO, John Hamre, just two days before my last day. He introduced himself and after we talked he told me that he emailed Colin Powell and bragged about me! It felt good to know that he had a good impression of me and the Colin Powell fellows in general. My boss, Andrew Schwartz, was also really impressed and they all seemed to want me to come back and work there after I graduate. On my last day, I worked hard to finish my project, but when I met with my boss he luckily he told me that I did not have to finish it immediately. I met with him for the last time before I left CSIS to begin my fall semester at CCNY, and he had so much praise and good words to say about me. I invited him when he comes to Harlem to come and visit the Colin Powell Center and meet the other Colin Powell fellows. On my last day, I also managed to meet with Roy Levy for coffee. Mr. Levy is one of the Colin Powell alumni who was just recently hired as consultant by the CSIS. I also visited the Brookings Institution, where I listened to panelists speak about Obama’s first six months as president. The panelists talked about whether the stimulus package worked or not. Some thought that it worked, but others thought that it needed more time. There was also the notion that maybe there needs to be a second stimulus package.I returned back to New York on Wednesday, and I am now ready for the fall semester to begin.